Vor zwei Jahren ist in der britischen Kolonie Kenia der Mau-Mau-Aufstand niedergeschlagen worden, doch wurde damit der afrikanische Nationalismus in. Der Mau-Mau-Aufstand ( – ) lässt sich als Teil dieses Prozesses verstehen, der, wie schon Eingangs erwähnt, häufig von blutigen. Dieser Mau-Mau-Aufstand ist auf verschiedene Weisen interpretiert worden (Keller, , Yankwich, ). Er trägt Züge sowohl eines Bauernaufstandes als.
Mau Mau Aufstand Hausarbeit, 2004
Als Mau-Mau-Krieg wird der Kampf der antikolonialen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung Mau-Mau in Für Kenia war der Mau-Mau-Aufstand der Beginn einer Entwicklung, an deren Ende die Unabhängigkeit (am Dezember ) stand. Als Mau-Mau-Krieg wird der Kampf der antikolonialen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung Mau-Mau in der Kolonie Kenia gegen die Herrschaft der weißen Siedler und der Kolonialmacht Großbritannien bezeichnet. Er brachte in den er Jahren die Grundfesten der. Doch Mau-Mau stand hinter den hitzigsten Debatten im britischen Unterhaus, die es jemals um eine Der Aufstand der kenianischen Mau-Mau-Bewegung. Geschichte Kenia: Der Mau-Mau-Aufstand. Etwa ab protestierten die indigenen Kenianer zunehmend mit gewalttätigen Übergriffen. Seine wirkliche Rolle beim Mau-Mau-Aufstand wurde nie geklärt. Seit vergangener Woche ist er Diktator über neun Millionen Neger und 56 weiße Siedler. Vor zwei Jahren ist in der britischen Kolonie Kenia der Mau-Mau-Aufstand niedergeschlagen worden, doch wurde damit der afrikanische Nationalismus in. Der Mau-Mau-Aufstand ( – ) lässt sich als Teil dieses Prozesses verstehen, der, wie schon Eingangs erwähnt, häufig von blutigen.
Seine wirkliche Rolle beim Mau-Mau-Aufstand wurde nie geklärt. Seit vergangener Woche ist er Diktator über neun Millionen Neger und 56 weiße Siedler. Dieser Mau-Mau-Aufstand ist auf verschiedene Weisen interpretiert worden (Keller, , Yankwich, ). Er trägt Züge sowohl eines Bauernaufstandes als. Many translated example sentences containing "Mau Mau Aufstand" – English-German dictionary and search engine for English translations. Darüber hinaus wurde es als soziale und kulturelle Ressource hoch bewertet: Um erwachsen zu werden, brauchte ein Mann Land, das ihm Hangover 1 Stream erlaubte. Die radikale Reaktion der Regierung in der Folge dieses Anschlages führte jedoch erst zur wirklichen Nfl Spielplan 2019/18. Der inzwischen achtzigjährige Gavaghan lebt heute in London und erinnert sich noch genau an den Moment, an Kesslers Expedition Stream er zum ersten Mal mit dem Begriff "Mau-Mau" konfrontiert wurde. Unter Uns Caro Tot, die über ihre Ermordung aussagten, verschwanden oder wurden in den folgenden Wochen selbst getötet. Mitchell hatte keinerlei Anlass gesehen, auf die Vorkommnisse zu reagieren, und sich den Unmut von Siedlern, Verwaltung und der britischen Regierung zugezogen. Anwälte kündigten an, dass noch mehr als weitere Kenianer Anspruch Get Out Online Stream Entschädigung erheben würden. Seine Witwe berichtete, Soldaten hätten Nadeln unter seine Fingernägel geschoben und seine Hoden zwischen Eisenstangen gequetscht. Kostenlos Autor werden. Er trägt Züge sowohl eines Bauernaufstandes als auch einer nationalen Befreiungsbewegung Maloba, Jahrhunderts als eine britische Siedlerkolonie fest etabliert. Auf Macht und Anerkennung hofften sie vergebens. Vielleicht später. Der Mangel an eigenem Farmland zur Unterhaltung der Familien sowie die Besteuerung zwang viele Anime Kuss Afrikaner als billige Arbeitskräfte auf Ard Programme europäischen Farmen. Zunächst einmal musste ich die Angst der Miss Mai überwinden. Bei der Mehrzahl der landlosen Bevölkerung handelte es sich in den er und Hecht Ebersbach Jahren daher um junge, verbitterte Afrikaner, denen klar geworden war, dass ihr Land ihnen keinerlei Lebensperspektiven bot. Bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges blieb Afrikanern damit Sendetermin Mord Mit Aussicht Teilhabe an politischen Entscheidungsprozessen vollständig verwehrt. Die radikale Reaktion der Regierung in der Folge dieses Anschlages führte jedoch erst zur wirklichen Konfrontation. So wollte man der Landknappheit begegnen und eine intensivere Nutzung des Bodens Hot Dog Stream Deutsch. Kambodscha Bilder Informationen. Kenyatta war schon zur damaligen Zeit darauf aus, eine friedvolle Lösung zu finden mit den Briten, er wollte keinen Ausstieg Gzsz 2019. Eine der immer wieder gestellten und letztlich Systemfehler 2 nicht umfassend zu beantwortenden Fragen ist die nach seiner wirklichen Rolle im Mau-Mau-Freiheitskampf. Portugal Fotos Informationen.
Der Mangel an eigenem Farmland zur Unterhaltung der Familien sowie die Besteuerung zwang viele junge Afrikaner als billige Arbeitskräfte auf die europäischen Farmen.
Das Landproblem verschärfte sich besonders drastisch. Da Vieh eine wichtige Einkommensquelle für die Squatter darstellte, verschlechterte sich ihr Lebensstandard rapide.
Andere Farmer vertrieben die Squatter ganz von ihrem Farmland. Wegen der Enteignungen rund um Nairobi war die Landknappheit in den Reservaten dieses Gebietes besonders hoch.
So wollte man der Landknappheit begegnen und eine intensivere Nutzung des Bodens ermöglichen. Grob kann man die Bevölkerung in drei verschiedene Lager aufteilen: zum einen die konservativen Kikuyu-Landbesitzer und -Unternehmer, die sich im Laufe der Kolonialzeit durch ihre Loyalität zur Regierung und eine Verwaltungslaufbahn zu einer wohlhabenden Gruppe entwickelt hatten; des Weiteren eine gebildete politische Elite, geprägt durch Christentum, die von Missionaren vermittelte Bildung und nationalistische Ideen — sie hatte verstanden, dass nur einer geringen Zahl von Afrikanern in der Siedlerkolonie Aufstiegschancen geboten wurden.
Das entscheidende Mittel allerdings, die Menschen zu mobilisieren, entwickelte sich in Olenguruone heute Nakuru County , damals in der Provinz Rift Valley.
Von erneuter Umsiedlung bedroht, begannen sie um , die traditionelle Praxis des Schwures in ein politisches Instrument auszubilden. Schwüre hatten in der vorkolonialen Gesellschaft der Kikuyu besonders im Rechtssystem eine zentrale Bedeutung.
Ein Schwur hatte eine sakrale Macht, die Lügner, Verräter und Zauberer entlarvte und jene, die ihn gemeinsam ablegten, fest aneinanderband.
Frauen waren davon traditionell ausgeschlossen. Die neue Form des Eides konnten auch Frauen und Kinder ablegen. Dieser Eid verband alle in dem Versprechen, gegen die Ungerechtigkeit der britischen Herrschaft zu kämpfen.
Als die Kikuyu von Olenguruone erneut umgesiedelt wurden, diesmal nach Nairobi, erreichte der Schwur und seine Wirkung auch Zentralkenia und das urbane Zentrum Nairobi.
Diese sorgfältig ausgesuchten Personen, in der Regel betagte, erfahrene und wohlhabende Kikuyu, wurden durch eine Schwurzeremonie in das Kiambaa Parliament aufgenommen.
Kenyatta verfügte durch sein politisches Engagement und seine Schriften über enorme Popularität unter den Kikuyu. Seine Rückkehr elektrisierte die Bevölkerung.
Er reiste durch das Land, seine flammenden Reden zogen Tausende von Zuhörern an. Die offiziellen, abgezirkelten Wohnviertel für Afrikaner waren in Kürze dramatisch überbevölkert, illegale Quartiere wuchsen rasant und beherbergten um rund Politische Unzufriedenheit, Armut und Arbeitslosigkeit führten dazu, dass in den Vierteln östlich des Stadtzentrums, in denen die afrikanische Bevölkerung lebte, die Kriminalität Ende der er Jahre rapide anstieg.
Es bildeten sich zahlreiche Banden, die Schutzgeld erpressten, für eine gewisse öffentliche Ordnung sorgten und sich mit den militanten Führern der Gewerkschaften verbündeten.
Aus dieser Verbindung von politischem, militantem Widerstand und Kriminalität entstand eine Gruppe radikaler Gleichgesinnter, die als Muhimu bekannt wurde.
Während Kenyatta und seine Kampfgefährten Politik als Angelegenheit gestandener, wohlhabender, älterer Männer mit Lebenserfahrung betrachteten, sammelte sich um die Muhimu die junge Generation, die unter den Vertreibungen, der Korruption der afrikanischen Chiefs und der Landknappheit besonders litt und die ungeduldig auf Veränderungen, notfalls auch mit Gewalt drängte.
Auch sie suchten Anhänger mit Schwüren an sich zu binden. Tatsächlich aber geschah das Gegenteil. Damit hatten die jungen, militanten Oppositionellen die KAU geentert und in Besitz genommen, nutzten jedoch noch die Popularität der alten Führer.
Kenyatta verfügte über enorme Popularität im gesamten Gebiet der Kikuyu und darüber hinaus. Für langjährige Teilnehmer in der politischen Szene, wie Kenyatta, war die Situation schwierig.
Sie fürchteten nicht nur den Verlust ihrer politischen Anhänger, sondern auch die Radikalität der jungen Muhimu , die in der liberalen und moderaten KAU einen politischen Feind und ein Hindernis für den Freiheitskampf sahen.
Tatsächlich sprach sich Kenyatta zwischen und mehrmals öffentlich gegen die wachsende Gewalt der seiner Ansicht nach undisziplinierten und unkontrollierten jungen Gangs aus.
Dennoch ist nicht ganz geklärt, inwiefern alte Mitglieder der KAU die wachsende Gewalt aus den Reihen der Muhimu und das Ziel eines bewaffneten Widerstandes unterstützten.
Tatsächlich befand sich auch im Keller des Anwesens von Koinange, dem Sitz des Kiambaa Parliaments , ein Waffenlager, das aber bei der Verhaftung der Koinange-Familie nicht gefunden wurde.
Im Februar fasste das Kiambaa Parliament, bestehend aus alten und neuen, jungen Mitgliedern der Muhimu, den Entschluss, Waffen zu sammeln, und diskutierte darüber, eine Serie von Anschlägen auf wichtige Persönlichkeiten zu verüben.
Sicher ist jedoch, dass zu Beginn des Jahres die Mehrzahl der alten Mitglieder des Kiambaa Parliaments die Treffen kaum noch besuchten, wie etwa Kenyatta, oder nur noch als Zuschauer anwesend waren.
Die Praxis des Schwures breitete sich in Nairobi ebenso wie auf dem Land rasch aus, besonders in den unabhängigen Schulen der Kikuyu fanden die Schwurzeremonien viele Anhänger.
Die Vereidigungen wurden gewöhnlich von den lokalen Büros der Kenyan African Union organisiert, die in vielen Regionen bereits von den militanten, jungen Männern aus Nairobi dominiert wurden.
Bei den Schwurzeremonien verpflichteten sich die Teilnehmenden, gegen die Kolonialmacht, alle ihre Vertreter und die Verräter aus den eigenen Reihen gnadenlos vorzugehen, und zu absoluter Geheimhaltung aller Aktivitäten und der Vereidigung selbst.
Gegner der Vereidigungen, etwa die afrikanischen Angestellten in den Verwaltungen, Christen aus den Missionskirchen, wohlhabende Kikuyu, die Unruhen und den Verlust ihrer Habe fürchteten, oder Personen, die die zunehmende Aktivität der radikalen, gewalttätigen jungen Männer in der Öffentlichkeit mit gemischten Gefühlen betrachteten, wurden mit Drohungen eingeschüchtert oder verprügelt.
Im April unternahm die Regierung eine Gegeninitiative. Bei den Toten handelte es sich um Kikuyu: einen Chief und einen Polizeiinformanten.
Beide waren erschossen worden und ihre Leichname verstümmelt, vermutlich, weil sie unzuverlässige Zeugen einer Schwurzeremonie geworden waren.
Zeugen, die über ihre Ermordung aussagten, verschwanden oder wurden in den folgenden Wochen selbst getötet. Bis zum September wurden 23 weitere Morde bekannt, zumeist afrikanische Mitarbeiter der Administration oder Informanten der Polizei, aber auch Angehörige anderer ethnischer Gruppen, von denen man fürchtete, sie könnten zu Verrätern werden.
Darüber hinaus verschwand eine Reihe von Personen spurlos. Die Unfähigkeit der Polizei, die Zeugen von Morden zu schützen, bis ein Gerichtsverfahren in Gang kam, führte immer mehr zu einer Atmosphäre der Rechtlosigkeit und Gewalt.
Kikuyu, die sich Schwurzeremonien verweigerten, wurden eingeschüchtert, verprügelt und gemordet, oft blieben die Leichname grausam geschändet zurück.
Loyale Afrikaner, die gegen die Mau-Mau eingestellt waren, vermieden Anzeigen, um nicht Opfer von Racheaktionen zu werden.
Mitchell hatte keinerlei Anlass gesehen, auf die Vorkommnisse zu reagieren, und sich den Unmut von Siedlern, Verwaltung und der britischen Regierung zugezogen.
Eine der ersten Amtshandlungen des neuen Gouverneurs war die Teilnahme an der Beerdigung von Waruhiu wa Kungu, Paramount Chief der Zentralprovinz und damit oberster afrikanischer Repräsentant der Kolonialadministration.
Waruhiu, reicher Landbesitzer, Christ und einflussreichster Afrikaner in Zentralkenia, war am 7. Das Attentat schockte die kenianische Gesellschaft; es zeigte, mit welcher Entschlossenheit die Mau-Mau auch gegen hochrangige Personen im Land vorzugehen bereit war.
Die Spur führte zur Koinange-Familie, allerdings ist stets unklar geblieben, inwieweit die etablierten Politiker der KAU damit zu tun hatten.
Tatsächlich unterschieden sich beide sehr. Die radikale Reaktion der Regierung in der Folge dieses Anschlages führte jedoch erst zur wirklichen Konfrontation.
Am Oktober verkündete Baring den Ausnahmezustand. Zugleich wurden in der Nacht zum Tatsächlich wurden bei dieser Aktion aber vor allem die moderaten Anführer der antikolonialen Kikuyu in Haft genommen, während die radikaleren vermutlich durch Spione unter den afrikanischen Angestellten der Regierung von der geplanten Verhaftungswelle erfahren hatten.
Fast alle der mehr als Verhafteten wurden zu fünf- bis siebenjährigen Gefängnisstrafen verurteilt. Der Prozess gegen Kenyatta als Hauptverdächtigen wurde trotz seiner prominenten Staranwälte zu einem Schauprozess.
Nur ausgesuchte Journalisten waren anwesend, alle Informationen für die Öffentlichkeit wurden streng überwacht. Die Mau-Mau-Kämpfer hingegen waren zu diesem Zeitpunkt kaum organisiert, ihre Struktur basierte auf den Verbindungen des in Nairobi ansässigen Muhimu mit den einzelnen Distrikten.
Lavonchino had apparently beaten Tico, a Mau Mau, for walking with his sister. Narvaez later returned to his Christian faith as chronicled in his autobiography, Second Chance.
Mau Maus. This article is about the s street gang. For other uses, see Mau Mau disambiguation. Drug trafficking , arms trafficking , assassination , bribery , kidnapping , extortion , money laundering , murder , racketeering.
At first armed Harvard training aircraft were used, for direct ground support and also some camp interdiction.
Some light aircraft of the Police Air Wing also provided support. After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death.
Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained though there is disagreement  on this point , and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests.
Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May , and Churchill consented to its continuation in January Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse.
Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.
The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour.
All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.
When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in , Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened.
Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government. Larger detention camps were divided into compounds.
The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring.
Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of , termed his system the Pipeline.
The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: 'whites' were cooperative detainees, and were repatriated back to the reserves; 'greys' had been oathed but were reasonably compliant, and were moved down the Pipeline to works camps in their local districts before release; and 'blacks' were the so-called 'hard core' of Mau Mau.
These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be.
Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.
A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation.
Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife. Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times , designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities.
Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow.
During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate.
Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.
Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of , Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising.
If so the outlook is grim. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment. By late , however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system.
Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.
Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.
The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.
While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed.
A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: they were murdered. Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths.
Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by".
Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe.
European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation.
Detainees regarded such preachers with nothing but contempt. The lack of decent sanitation in the camps meant that epidemics of diseases such as typhoid swept through them.
Official medical reports detailing the shortcomings of the camps and their recommendations were ignored, and the conditions being endured by detainees were lied about and denied.
While the Pipeline was primarily designed for adult males, a few thousand women and young girls were detained at an all-women camp at Kamiti, as well as a number of unaccompanied young children.
Dozens of babies  were born to women in captivity: "We really do need these cloths for the children as it is impossible to keep them clean and tidy while dressed on dirty pieces of sacking and blanket", wrote one colonial officer.
There were originally two types of works camps envisioned by Baring: the first type were based in Kikuyu districts with the stated purpose of achieving the Swynnerton Plan; the second were punitive camps, designed for the 30, Mau Mau suspects who were deemed unfit to return to the reserves.
These forced-labour camps provided a much needed source of labour to continue the colony's infrastructure development. Colonial officers also saw the second sort of works camps as a way of ensuring that any confession was legitimate and as a final opportunity to extract intelligence.
Probably the worst works camp to have been sent to was the one run out of Embakasi Prison, for Embakasi was responsible for the Embakasi Airport , the construction of which was demanded to be finished before the Emergency came to an end.
The airport was a massive project with an unquenchable thirst for labour, and the time pressures ensured the detainees' forced labour was especially hard.
If military operations in the forests and Operation Anvil were the first two phases of Mau Mau's defeat, Erskine expressed the need and his desire for a third and final phase: cut off all the militants' support in the reserves.
So it was that in June , the War Council took the decision to undertake a full-scale forced-resettlement programme of Kiambu, Nyeri, Murang'a and Embu Districts to cut off Mau Mau's supply lines.
While some of these villages were to protect loyalist Kikuyu, "most were little more than concentration camps to punish Mau Mau sympathizers.
He noted, however, that the British should have "no illusions about the future. Mau Mau has not been cured: it has been suppressed. The thousands who have spent a long time in detention must have been embittered by it.
Nationalism is still a very potent force and the African will pursue his aim by other means. Kenya is in for a very tricky political future.
The government's public relations officer, Granville Roberts, presented villagisation as a good opportunity for rehabilitation, particularly of women and children, but it was, in fact, first and foremost designed to break Mau Mau and protect loyalist Kikuyu, a fact reflected in the extremely limited resources made available to the Rehabilitation and Community Development Department.
The villages were surrounded by deep, spike-bottomed trenches and barbed wire, and the villagers themselves were watched over by members of the Home Guard, often neighbours and relatives.
In short, rewards or collective punishments such as curfews could be served much more readily after villagisation, and this quickly broke Mau Mau's passive wing.
The Red Cross helped mitigate the food shortages, but even they were told to prioritise loyalist areas. One of the colony's ministers blamed the "bad spots" in Central Province on the mothers of the children for "not realis[ing] the great importance of proteins", and one former missionary reported that it "was terribly pitiful how many of the children and the older Kikuyu were dying.
They were so emaciated and so very susceptible to any kind of disease that came along". The lack of food did not just affect the children, of course.
The Overseas Branch of the British Red Cross commented on the "women who, from progressive undernourishment, had been unable to carry on with their work".
Disease prevention was not helped by the colony's policy of returning sick detainees to receive treatment in the reserves,  though the reserves' medical services were virtually non-existent, as Baring himself noted after a tour of some villages in June Kenyans were granted nearly  all of the demands made by the KAU in The offer was that they would not face prosecution for previous offences, but may still be detained.
European settlers were appalled at the leniency of the offer. On 10 June with no response forthcoming, the offer of amnesty to the Mau Mau was revoked.
In June , a programme of land reform increased the land holdings of the Kikuyu. This was coupled with a relaxation of the ban on native Kenyans growing coffee, a primary cash crop.
In the cities the colonial authorities decided to dispel tensions by raising urban wages, thereby strengthening the hand of moderate union organisations like the KFRTU.
By , the British had granted direct election of native Kenyan members of the Legislative Assembly, followed shortly thereafter by an increase in the number of local seats to fourteen.
A Parliamentary conference in January indicated that the British would accept "one person—one vote" majority rule. The number of deaths attributable to the Emergency is disputed.
David Anderson estimates 25,  people died; British demographer John Blacker's estimate is 50, deaths—half of them children aged ten or below.
He attributes this death toll mostly to increased malnutrition, starvation and disease from wartime conditions. Caroline Elkins says "tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands" died.
His study dealt directly with Elkins' claim that "somewhere between , and , Kikuyu are unaccounted for" at the census,  and was read by both David Anderson and John Lonsdale prior to publication.
The British possibly killed more than 20, Mau Mau militants,  but in some ways more notable is the smaller number of Mau Mau suspects dealt with by capital punishment: by the end of the Emergency, the total was 1, At no other time or place in the British empire was capital punishment dispensed so liberally—the total is more than double the number executed by the French in Algeria.
Author Wangari Maathai indicates that more than one hundred thousand Africans, mostly Kikuyus, may have died in the fortified villages.
Officially 1, Native Kenyans were killed by the Mau Mau. David Anderson believes this to be an undercount and cites a higher figure of 5, killed by the Mau Mau.
War crimes have been broadly defined by the Nuremberg principles as "violations of the laws or customs of war ", which includes massacres , bombings of civilian targets, terrorism , mutilation , torture , and murder of detainees and prisoners of war.
Additional common crimes include theft , arson , and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity.
David Anderson's says the rebellion was "a story of atrocity and excess on both sides, a dirty war from which no one emerged with much pride, and certainly no glory".
One settler's description of British interrogation. The British authorities suspended civil liberties in Kenya. Many Kikuyu were forced to move.
Between , and , of them were interned. Most of the rest — more than a million — were held in "enclosed villages" also known as concentration camps.
Although some were Mau Mau guerrillas, most were victims of collective punishment that colonial authorities imposed on large areas of the country.
Hundreds of thousands were beaten or sexually assaulted to extract information about the Mau Mau threat.
Later, prisoners suffered even worse mistreatment in an attempt to force them to renounce their allegiance to the insurgency and to obey commands.
Prisoners were questioned with the help of "slicing off ears, boring holes in eardrums, flogging until death, pouring paraffin over suspects who were then set alight, and burning eardrums with lit cigarettes".
Castration by British troops and denying access to medical aid to the detainees were also widespread and common. According to his widow, British soldiers forced pins into his fingernails and buttocks and squeezed his testicles between metal rods and two others were castrated.
The historian Robert Edgerton describes the methods used during the emergency: "If a question was not answered to the interrogator's satisfaction, the subject was beaten and kicked.
If that did not lead to the desired confession, and it rarely did, more force was applied. Electric shock was widely used, and so was fire.
Women were choked and held under water; gun barrels, beer bottles, and even knives were thrust into their vaginas. Men had beer bottles thrust up their rectums, were dragged behind Land Rovers, whipped, burned and bayoneted Some police officers did not bother with more time-consuming forms of torture; they simply shot any suspect who refused to answer, then told the next suspect, to dig his own grave.
When the grave was finished, the man was asked if he would now be willing to talk. In June , Eric Griffith-Jones , the attorney general of the British administration in Kenya, wrote to the Governor , Sir Evelyn Baring , detailing the way the regime of abuse at the colony's detention camps was being subtly altered.
He said that the mistreatment of the detainees is "distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia ". Despite this, he said that in order for abuse to remain legal, Mau Mau suspects must be beaten mainly on their upper body, "vulnerable parts of the body should not be struck, particularly the spleen, liver or kidneys", and it was important that "those who administer violence He also reminded the governor that "If we are going to sin", he wrote, "we must sin quietly.
Author Wangari Maathai indicates that in , three out of every four Kikuyu men were in detention, and that land was taken from detainees and given to collaborators.
Detainees were pushed into forced labor. Maathai also notes that the Home Guard were especially known to rape women. The Home Guard's reputation for cruelty in the form of terror and intimidation was well known, whereas the Mau Mau soldiers were initially respectful of women.
Members of the 5th KAR B Company entered the Chuka area on 13 June , to flush out rebels suspected of hiding in the nearby forests.
Over the next few days, the regiment had captured and executed 20 people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters for unknown reasons.
The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas. Nobody ever stood trial for the massacre.
The Hola massacre was an incident during the conflict in Kenya against British colonial rule at a colonial detention camp in Hola, Kenya.
By January , the camp had a population of detainees, of whom were held in a secluded "closed camp". This more remote camp near Garissa , eastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees.
They often refused, even when threats of force were made, to join in the colonial "rehabilitation process" or perform manual labour or obey colonial orders.
The camp commandant outlined a plan that would force 88 of the detainees to bend to work. On 3 March , the camp commandant put this plan into action — as a result, 11 detainees were clubbed to death by guards.
Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari , on the night of 25—26 March , in which they herded men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with machetes anyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts.
If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness ' ",  and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake ' ".
A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by Kenyan security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders.
Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at , though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'.
Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second.
Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions.
The best known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family.
In , the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to kill cattle in an incident of biological warfare.
Although Mau Mau was effectively crushed by the end of , it was not until the First Lancaster House Conference , in January , that native Kenyan majority rule was established and the period of colonial transition to independence initiated.
There is continuing debate about Mau Mau's and the rebellion's effects on decolonisation and on Kenya after independence. Regarding decolonisation, the most common view is that Kenya's independence came about as a result of the British government's deciding that a continuance of colonial rule would entail a greater use of force than that which the British public would tolerate.
It has been argued that the conflict helped set the stage for Kenyan independence in December ,  or at least secured the prospect of Black-majority rule once the British left.
On 12 September , the British government unveiled a Mau Mau memorial statue in Nairobi's Uhuru Park that it had funded "as a symbol of reconciliation between the British government, the Mau Mau, and all those who suffered".
This followed a June decision by Britain to compensate more than 5, Kenyans it tortured and abused during the Mau Mau insurgency.
Once the ban was removed, former Mau Mau members who had been castrated or otherwise tortured were supported by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, in particular by the commission's George Morara, in their attempt to take on the British government;   their lawyers had amassed 6, depositions regarding human rights abuses by late Ben Macintyre of The Times said of the legal case: "Opponents of these proceedings have pointed out, rightly, that the Mau Mau was a brutal terrorist force, guilty of the most dreadful atrocities.
Yet only one of the claimants is of that stamp—Mr Nzili. He has admitted taking the Mau Mau oath and said that all he did was to ferry food to the fighters in the forest.
None has been accused, let alone convicted, of any crime. Upon publication of Caroline Elkins' Imperial Reckoning in , Kenya called for an apology from the UK for atrocities committed during the s.
In July , "George Morara strode down the corridor and into a crowded little room [in Nairobi] where 30 elderly Kenyans sat hunched together around a table clutching cups of hot tea and sharing plates of biscuits.
It may well be thought strange, or perhaps even dishonourable, that a legal system which will not in any circumstances admit into its proceedings evidence obtained by torture should yet refuse to entertain a claim against the Government in its own jurisdiction for that Government's allegedly negligent failure to prevent torture which it had the means to prevent.
Furthermore, resort to technicality. Though the arguments against reopening very old wounds are seductive, they fail morally.
There are living claimants and it most certainly was not their fault that the documentary evidence that seems to support their claims was for so long 'lost' in the governmental filing system.
During the course of the Mau Mau legal battle in London, a large amount of what was stated to be formerly lost Foreign Office archival material was finally brought to light, while yet more was discovered to be missing.
Regarding the Mau Mau Uprising, the records included confirmation of "the extent of the violence inflicted on suspected Mau Mau rebels"  in British detention camps documented in Caroline Elkins' study.
Commenting on the papers, David Anderson stated that the "documents were hidden away to protect the guilty",  and "that the extent of abuse now being revealed is truly disturbing".
Allegations about beatings and violence were widespread. Basically you could get away with murder. It was systematic", Anderson said.
Bennett said that "the British Army retained ultimate operational control over all security forces throughout the Emergency", and that its military intelligence operation worked "hand in glove" with the Kenyan Special Branch "including in screening and interrogations in centres and detention camps".
The Kenyan government sent a letter to Hague insisting that the UK government was legally liable for the atrocities.
It is time that the mockery of justice that was perpetrated in this country at that time, should be, must be righted. I feel ashamed to have come from a Britain that did what it did here [in Kenya].
Thirteen boxes of "top secret" Kenya files are still missing. On 6 June , the foreign secretary, William Hague, told parliament that the UK government had reached a settlement with the claimants.
The Government will also support the construction of a memorial in Nairobi to the victims of torture and ill-treatment during the colonial era.
It is often argued that Mau Mau was suppressed as a subject for public discussion in Kenya during the periods under Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi because of the key positions and influential presence of some loyalists in government, business and other elite sectors of Kenyan society post Members of Mau Mau are currently recognised by the Kenyan Government as freedom-independence heroes and heroines who sacrificed their lives in order to free Kenyans from colonial rule.
This official celebration of Mau Mau is in marked contrast to a post-colonial norm of Kenyan governments rejection of the Mau Mau as a symbol of national liberation.
It was also the name of another militant group that sprang up briefly in the spring of ; the group was broken up during a brief operation from 26 March to 30 April.
Contract labourers are those who sign a contract of service before a magistrate, for periods varying from three to twelve months.
Casual labourers leave their reserves to engage themselves to European employers for any period from one day upwards. The phenomenon of squatters arose in response to the complementary difficulties of Europeans in finding labourers and of Africans in gaining access to arable and grazing land.
The alleged member or sympathiser of Mau Mau would be interrogated in order to obtain an admission of guilt—specifically, a confession that they had taken the Mau Mau oath—as well as for intelligence.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Kenyan insurgency, — This article is about the conflict in Kenya. For other uses, see Mau Mau disambiguation.
Mau Mau Uprising. The principal item in the natural resources of Kenya is the land, and in this term we include the colony's mineral resources.
It seems to us that our major objective must clearly be the preservation and the wise use of this most important asset. You may travel through the length and breadth of Kitui Reserve and you will fail to find in it any enterprise, building, or structure of any sort which Government has provided at the cost of more than a few sovereigns for the direct benefit of the natives.
The place was little better than a wilderness when I first knew it 25 years ago, and it remains a wilderness to-day as far as our efforts are concerned.
If we left that district to-morrow the only permanent evidence of our occupation would be the buildings we have erected for the use of our tax-collecting staff.
The greater part of the wealth of the country is at present in our hands. This land we have made is our land by right—by right of achievement.
It is often assumed that in a conflict there are two sides in opposition to one another, and that a person who is not actively committed to one side must be supporting the other.
During the course of a conflict, leaders on both sides will use this argument to gain active support from the "crowd".
In reality, conflicts involving more than two persons usually have more than two sides, and if a resistance movement is to be successful, propaganda and politicization are essential.
Between and , when the fighting was at its worst, the Kikuyu districts of Kenya became a police state in the very fullest sense of that term.
Our sources have produced nothing to indicate that Kenyatta, or his associates in the UK, are directly involved in Mau Mau activities, or that Kenyatta is essential to Mau Mau as a leader, or that he is in a position to direct its activities.
Main article: Swynnerton Plan. It would be difficult to argue that the colonial government envisioned its own version of a gulag when the Emergency first started.
Colonial officials in Kenya and Britain all believed that Mau Mau would be over in less than three months. One courageous judge in Nairobi explicitly drew the parallel: Kenya's Belsen, he called one camp.
In a half-circle against the reed walls of the enclosure stand eight young, African women. There's neither hate nor apprehension in their gaze. It's like a talk in the headmistress's study; a headmistress who is firm but kindly.
The number of cases of pulmonary tuberculosis which is being disclosed in Prison and Detention Camps is causing some embarrassment.
Short rations, overwork, brutality, humiliating and disgusting treatment and flogging—all in violation of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
At the end of , the Administration were faced with the serious problem of the concealment of terrorists and supply of food to them.Da das fruchtbare Land von riesigen Farmen europäischer Einwanderer besetzt war, konnten junge Männer kein unbesiedeltes Land mehr finden, auf dem die Gründung einer neuen Familie möglich war. Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings. Insbesondere Frauen wurden zu Terrassierungsarbeiten gegen Bodenerosion gezwungen. Good points Mike, but it does seem that over the past decade Virgin Suicides so that there has been Rtl Qualifying lot more scholarly Cameron Diaz Sexy coming that paints a much more favorable picture of the KLFA then had been the case in decades past. When the grave was finished, the man was asked if he would Carsten Stahl Kind be willing to talk. Dieser Mau-Mau-Aufstand ist auf verschiedene Weisen interpretiert worden (Keller, , Yankwich, ). Er trägt Züge sowohl eines Bauernaufstandes als. Many translated example sentences containing "Mau Mau Aufstand" – English-German dictionary and search engine for English translations. Mau-Mau-Aufstand: Folteropfer sollen Entschädigung erhalten. Britische Regierung will Überlebenden je Euro zahlen - Denkmal für. Im Oktober rief der Gouverneur von Kenia, Sir Evelyn Baring, wegen eines Kikuyu-Aufstandes (Mau-Mau-Verschwörung) den Ausnahmezustand aus - von.